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DAWN joins hundreds of scholars and rights advocates in solidarity with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights

Together with hundreds of scholars and human rights activists from across the world, DAWN called on the Egyptian government to immediately release three human rights activists from the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), one of the most prominent and reputable civil society organizations in Egypt. Egyptian security officials arrested them beginning November 15, 2020, and have leveled baseless charges of terrorism, after the group gave a briefing to foreign diplomats about the human rights situation in Egypt.

Text of the Statement:

We, the undersigned scholars and human rights advocates, express our deep concern at the escalating crackdown that Egyptian authorities have launched against civil society organizations in recent days.

In an unprecedented move, on November 15 security forces arrested Mr. Mohamed Basheer, the administrative manager of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), one of the most prominent and reputable civil society organizations in Egypt.

Despite strong international condemnation of that action, on November 18 authorities arrested Mr. Karim Ennarah, the director of the criminal justice unit at EIPR, while launching a vicious campaign against EIPR in state-owned media and leveling false accusations against its personnel. A day later, authorities arrested EIPR Executive Director Mr. Gasser Abdel-Razek.

They also leveled terrorism-related charges against Mr. Ennarah and Mr. Basheer, adding their names to a legal case that includes numerous human rights advocates. 

Most concerning is that this escalation comes after EIPR hosted senior diplomats from 14 countries, including Canada, the UK, Norway, several European Union (EU) member states, as well as the EU delegation to discuss the implications of the outcome of the United States elections for the human rights situation in Egypt.

We call on the Egyptian government to immediately release EIPR's personnel and halt all politically motivated investigations against civil society organizations in the country.

 

Signatories*

Nancy Okail, Stanford University

Joshua Stacher, Kent State University

Danny Postel, Northwestern University

Lisa Hajjar, University of California – Santa Barbara

Omar Dahi, Hampshire College

Robert Springborg, Naval Postgraduate School (ret)

Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College and the Graduate Center, CUNY

Jennifer Derr, University of California, Santa Cruz

Rochelle Davis, Georgetown University

Elliott Colla, Georgetown University

Joel Gordon, University of Arkansas

Joel Beinin, Stanford University

Marietje Schaake, Stanford University

Rim Naguib, EUME fellow, Forum Transregionale Studien, Berlin

Chris Toensing, International Crisis Group

Ted Swedenburg, University of Arkansas

Wendy Pearlman, Northwestern University

Larry J Diamond, Hoover Institution, Stanford University

Will Hanley, Florida State University

Amy Hawthorne, Project on Middle East Democracy

Fadi Awad Elsaid, University of Connecticut

Vickie Langohr , College of the Holy Cross

Ahmed Ezzat, University of Cambridge

Sherene R Seikaly, University of California, Santa Barbara

Iman Mersal, University of Alberta – Canada

Gennaro Gervasio, Roma Tre University, Rome

Enrico De Angelis, Independent Researcher

Kenza Rady    

Owain Lawson, Columbia University

Michele Dunne, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Atef Said, University of Illinois at Chicago

Omar Cheta, Bard College

Pascale Ghazaleh, The American University in Cairo

Hanny Megally, NYU

Nicola Melis, University of Cagliari, Sardinia

Paola Rivetti, Dublin City University

Brecht De Smet, Ghent University

Francesca Biancani, Bologna University

Seppe Malfait, Ghent University

Nicola Perugini, University of Edinburgh

Alessandra Marchi, Università Cagliari

Koenraad Bogaert, Ghent University

Lucia Sorbera, The University of Sydney, NSW

Patrizia Manduchi, University of Cagliari (Italy)

John T Chalcraft, LSE

Soraya El Kahlaoui, Ghent University

Khaled Fahmy, Cambridge University

Nejla Lyons, Independent human rights researcher

Mamdouh Habashi, Socialist People's Alliance Party

Daniela Pioppi, University of Naples 'L'Orientale'

Iain Chambers, University of Naples, 'Orientale'

Ray Bush, University of Leeds

Heba Youssef, University of Brighton

Nicola Pratt, University of Warwick, UK

Magda Adly, Nadim center for rehabilitation of victims of violence

Hussein Baoumi, Amnesty International

Suzan Abd El Moty Fayyad, El Nadim Center

Ibrahim Seyam           

Saerom Han, University of Aberdeen

Amel Fahmy, TADWEIN

Aziz Barkaoui, Amnesty-France

Mohamad Najem, SMEX

Nihad Aboud  

Samir Khattab, Researcher

Pinar E. Donmez, De Montfort University

Mohamed Mokhtar, Human rights defender ( ECRF)

Hassan Ali, متطوعون من أجل حقوق الإنسان

Steven Heydemann, Smith College

Sara Abughazal, Regional Coordinator

Agnieszka Paczynska, George Mason University

Asmaa Elmalky           

Lynn Darwich, University of Illinois at Chicago

Mohammad El Taher, Researcher and Technologist

Lorenzo Feltrin, University of Warwick

Gilbert Achcar, SOAS, University of London

Dina Matar, SOAS

Marco Lauri, Università di Macerata

Feyzi Ismail, SOAS University of London

Deniz Kandiyoti, School of Oriental and African Studies

Ziad Elmarsafy, King's College London

Barbara Pizziconi, SOAS, University of london

Dr Vanja Hamzić, SOAS University of London

Lynn Welchman, SOAS, University of London

Mohamed Noby, Lawyer

Bashir Abu-Manneh, University of Kent

Salwa Ismail, SOAS

Ramy Yaacoub, The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy

Veronica Ferreri, ZMO Berlin

Jens Lerche, SOAS, University of London

Rahul Rao, SOAS University of London

Andrea Teti, University of Aberdeen

John Faulkner, Administrator (retired)

Anne Alexander, University of Cambridge

Shreeta Lakhani, SOAS

Francesco De Lellis, Centro Studi sull'Africa Contemporanea – Università L'Orientale Napoli

Akansha Mehta, Goldsmiths, University of London

Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Loughborough University

Myrsini Manney-Kalogera, University of Arizona

Kim Rochette, Save the Children

Rima Majed, American University of Beirut

Aleksandra Zaytseva, Georgetown University

Ryota Jonen, World Movement for Democracy

Chiara Pagano, Università di Pavia

Paul Sedra, Simon Fraser University

Tarek Masoud, Private citizen

Christopher Hitchcock, ACRPS

Juan Cole, University of Michigan

Feyzi Ismail, SOAS University of London

Zachary Lockman, New York University

Yasmin Elsouda, SOAS University of London 

Dalia Ghanem, University of California, Davis

Charlie Lawrie, Johns Hopkins SAIS

Sophie Chamas, SOAS, University of London

Kerem Nisancioglu, SOAS University of London 

Jo Tomkinson, SOAS, University of London

Imran Jamal, SOAS

Saffo Papantonopoulou, University of Arizona

Suad Joseph, University of California, Davis

Fayrouz Yousfi, Gent University 

Abdulrahman El-Taliawi, University College London

Anthony Alessandrini, City University of New York

Yair Wallach, SOAS

Huseyin Silman, GLOPOL

Alfredo Saad Filho, King's College London

Sami Zemni, Ghent University 

Maher Hamoud, Ghent University

Omar Jabary Salamanca, ULB

Sharan Grewal, College of William & Mary

Michael Chamberlin, Human Rights Defender in Mexico

Mattia Giampaolo, CeSPI

Liliana Toledo Guzmán, University of Arizona

Keith Cook, University of Arizona

Ifigeneia Mourelatou, UCL

Katharina Grüneisl, Durham University

Zoe Basiouri, Aristotle University

Hani Sayed, American University in Cairo

Jason Brownlee, University of Texas at Austin

Charles W. Dunne, Arab Center Washington DC

Francis Fukuyama, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University

Jessica Winegar, Northwestern University

Michael Michaelides, University of Florida 

Catherine Jenkins, SOAS, University of London

Muhammad Ebaid, The Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF)

Aleś Łahviniec, European Humanities University, Lithuania-Belarus

Sarah Rifky, MIT

Aymen Zaghdoudi, ARTICLE 19

Tania Kaiser, SOAS

Chenjia Xu, SOAS

Miriam Gastélum, UCL

Lars Peter Laamann, SOAS, University of London

Alessandra Mezzadri, SOAS

Andrew Newsham, SOAS, University of London 

Myat Ko Ko, Yangon School of Political Science

Mayur Suresh, SOAS, University of London

Frances Grahl, SOAS

Sadek Hamid, Independent Academic

Andrea Cornwall, SOAS

Judith E. Tucker, Georgetown University

Georges Khalil, EUME, Forum Transregionale Studien Berlin

William Aceves, California Western School of Law

Karima Laachir, Australian National University 

Aida Seif El Dawla, El Nadim Center

Ruba Salih, SOAS 

Shereif Elroubi

Hadi Enayat, SOAS

Karen Rignall, University of Kentucky

Ahmed Gad, Amnesty International 

Taher Mokhtar, Medical Doctor 

Hassan Osman , Universit of Minya

Vivienne Matthies-Boon, University of Amsterdam

Sigrid Vertommen, Ghent University

Frances Grahl, SOAS

Rebeca Robertson, SOAS

Alla Kos, Responsible AI

Mahfouz Eltaweel       

Peter Hill, Northumbria University, Newcastle-upon-Tyne

Ahmed Naji, BMI

Ahmed Abbes, CNRS, Paris, France

Kholoud Saber Barakat, Catholic University of Louvain (UCLouvain)

Assaf Kfoury, Boston University

Reda Eldanbouki, Women's Center for Guidance and Legal Awareness 

Mona Hamed Imam, El Nadeem Center

Tania Tribe, SOAS

Sherif Azer, University of York, UK 

Omnia El Shakry, University of California, Davis

Manjeet Ramgotra, SOAS University of London

Boris Kilgarriff, SOAS

Mohamef Lotfy, Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms

Lorenzo Casini, University of Messina

Yousra Hassenien       

Christian Achrainer, Philipps University Marburg

Sara Mohani, Journalist

Michael McFaul, Stanford University

Abbas Milani, Stanford University

Karina Sarmiento

Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN)

Nathan Grubman, Stanford University

Azza Soliman, Lawyer

Jacqueline Charretier, Human rights defender

Mohammad Hossam Fadel, University of Toronto Faculty of Law

Necla Tschirgi, Kroc School of Peace Studies, University of San Diego

Elisa Massimino, Georgetown University Law Center

Stuart Schaar, Brooklyn College, CUNY

Alya Khemakhem, USC

Daniel Marwecki, University of Hong Kong

Brad Fox, The Graduate Center, CUNY

Karim Reda, ناشط سياسي و مدون مستقل

Dolores Soto

Irene Gendzier , Boston University (Prof. Emeritus)

Basma El Husseiny

Ahmed Ramy, Egyptian Pharmaceutical Syndicate

Sherif Gamal, IT Specialist 

Ahmed Melad, Lawyer

Khaled Mansour, Independent Consultant

Richard Falk, Queen Mary University London

Wagdy Abdel Aziz, مركز الجنوب لحقوق الانسان

Laila Soueif, Cairo University

Matt Gordner, University of Toronto

Emad Shahin, Academic 

Khalda Yassin, Egyptian citizen

Céline Cantat, Sciences Po Paris 

Ahmed Said, ECRF

Ismail Ammar, Student

Amr Tajuddin, Egyptian citizen 

Giovanni Piazzese, Freelance journalist and Ph.D. researcher 

Lamia Radi, Journalist 

Sameh Elbarky, Alaraby Aljadeed newspaper

Magda Boutros, Brown University

Céline Lebrun Shaath, Harvard Kennedy School of Government 

Riya Al'sanah, Who Profits Research Center 

Nesting Badawi, The American University in Cairo

Nadia Kamel    

Shaimaa El-Banna, Committee for Justice 

Zoé Carle, Université Paris 8

ahmed altigani, IRFC

Ali Hegazy, Royal College of Obstetricians & Gynecologists

Hakim Abdelnaeem, Artist

Khaled Sobhy

Tanya Monforte, McGill University

Emma Frampton, SOAS

Nathalie Bernard-Maugiron, Institut de Recherche pour le Développement

Jens Hanssen, University of Toronto

Manar Tantawie, استاذ بمعهد هندسي خاص

Dee Smythe, Centre for Law & Society, University of Cape Town

Manar Mohsen           

Ranjit Singh, University of Mary Washington

Vasuki Nesiah, New York University

Pascal Menoret, Brandeis University

Mona Khneisser, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign 

Yasser Munif, Emerson College

Corinna Mullin , CUNY

Alice Finden, SOAS

Alfredo Ortiz Aragón, University of the Incarnate Word

Amira Abdelhamid, University of Sussex

Magdi El Gawhary       

Daniel Watson, University of Sussex

Maha Alaswad, Georgetown University 

Andrea Brock, University of Sussex

Hani Faris, University of British Columbia, Canada

Noam Chomsky, University of Arizona

Saghar Sara, Collaborative Social Change

Ziad Abu-Rish, Bard College

Sarah El-Kazaz, SOAS

Sara Kermanian, University of Sussex

Heather Allansdottir, University of Bifrost

Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex

Adam Ramadan, University of Birmingham

Karem Yehia, Journalist freelance

  1. Abbas Yongacoglu, University of Ottawa (Emeritus Professor)

Liliane Daoud, Journalist 

Rossella Merullo, Humboldt University

Juan M. Amaya-Castro, Universidad de los Andes (Bogotá – Colombia)

Beth Baron, CUNY

Dina Fergani, University of Toronto 

David Kramer, FIU

Ghayth Omar, Alnasser and Partners

Lori Allen, SOAS University of London

Azzah Ahmed, UCLA

Derek Ludovici , City University of New York

Farah Al Shami, Arab Reform Initiative

Rosemary Sayigh, American University of Beirut

Muhammad Ali Khalidi, City University of New York – Graduate Center

Mohammed Mostafa, Intersection Association for Rights and Freedoms 

Ali Ugurlu, Columbia University

Wafaa Hefny, Professor of English Literature

Lamis al Nakkash, Cairo University 

Nadje Al-Ali, Brown University

Yezid Sayigh, Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center

Patrizia Manduchi, University of Cagliari

Daniela Potenza, Università degli studi di Napoli "L'Orientale"

Giulia Cimini, University of Bologna 

Brendan O'Duffy, Queen Mary University of London

Alessandro Buontempo, Università Statale di Milano

Tony Outang, SOAS 

Sophie Chapman, SOAS

Chiara Cascino, University of Naples "L'Orientale", Italy

Teodora Boanches, SOAS

Caterina Roggero, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca

Laura Vale, SOAS

Martina Biondi, University of Perugia

Felix Henson, SOAS

Caitlin Callies, SOAS

Fez Endalaust, SOAS, University of London

Charlotte Paule, SOAS 

Hanna Uihlein, SOAS University of London

Emily Bayliss, SOAS

Lauren Feechan, SOAS

Giuseppe Acconcia, Padova University

Matthew Holt

Faiz Sheikh, University of Sussex

James White, SOAS, University of London

Yusra Siddique

Lucy Roberts, SOAS

Leona Li, SOAS, University of London

Amory Lumumba, SOAS

Virginia Ruosi, SOAS

Amanda Kutch, SOAS 

Luisa Hausleithner, SOAS

Jack McGinn, London School of Economics

Alessandro Cane, SOAS

Ottilia Mackerle, SOAS

Ishrat Sanjida, SOAS

Flora Butler, SOAS

Max La Fosse, SOAS

Callum Cafferty, SOAS University of London

June Derz, SOAS

Doris Duhennois, SOAS

KP Sarvaiya, SOAS

Madhubanti Bhaduri, School of Oriental and African Studies 

Debora Del Pistoia, Amnesty International 

Sarah Zellner, University of Oxford 

Laura Janicka, SOAS

Liana Parry, SOAS

Ella Spencer, SOAS

Clara Kristola Truc, SOAS

Oliver Hampden, SOAS

Evangelin Dupret, SOAS

Sara Bertotti, SOAS University of London

Alada Taylor, SOAS

Aoife Delaney, SOAS

Hazel Ke, SOAS

Sophie Snook, SOAS

Alexander Curtis, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS)

Lachlan Kenneally, SOAS

Sara Birch, Brighton University, UK 

Gabrielle Nuttall, SOAS

Sascha Gill, SOAS, University of London

Filippo Angeli, SOAS

Renata Rouvinen, SOAS 

Ruth George    

Joseph Edwards, SOAS

Muhsin Chang, SOAS

Emmy Toulson , SOAS

Margot Chesne, SOAS 

Holly Haynes, SOAS

Georgia Jones, SOAS

Maliha Sohail, SOAS

Sascha Kröger, SOAS

Silvia Sanchez, SOAS

Joshua Young, SOAS

Anna Etter       

Rebekka Muth, SOAS

Chao Ping Yi, SOAS

Cristina Stanescu, SOAS

Raimond Christian Dasalla, SOAS

Daisy Webster-Kincaid, SOAS

Hisham Parchment, SOAS, University of London

Anthea Frank, SOAS

Martina Censi, Università di Bergamo

Lucy Mair, Garden Court North Chambers

Malina Mihaiu, SOAS

Olivia Smith, SOAS

Polina Volkova, SOAS University of London

Kay Zhang       

Julia Llaurado, SOAS

Yukari Ishii, SOAS 

Alessandro Gatti Bonati          

Lornelle Gayle-Harris, SOAS

Gaelle Poncelet, SOAS

Helena Buckley, SOAS

William Tod, SOAS

Mario Arulthas, SOAS

Taher Saad

Judith Heimbach, SOAS

Chelsea Krajcik, SOAS

Tanzidah Islam, SOAS

Ilyas Saliba, WZB Berlin Social Science Center 

John Peterson, SOAS

Lyna Belmekki, SOAS

Francesco Vacchiano, University Ca' Foscari, Venice

Aaron G. Jakes, The New School

Joshua Ong, SOAS 

Emmy Toulson, SOAS

Alex Schumann, SOAS

Caitlin Pether, SOAS 

Jamie Corson, SOAS

Noah Lepawsky           

Nayeema Rahman, SOAS

Katherine Saunders, SOAS, University of London 

Ioana Ille, SOAS

Taha Metwally, Founder, ANKH association

Nijmi Edres, Georg-Eckert-Institut für internationale Schulbuchforschung

Serena Tolino, University of Bern

Lutz Oette, Centre for Human Rights Law, SOAS, University of London

Samia Bano, SOAS University of London 

Laura Hammond, SOAS University of London

Sinan Antoon, New York University

Richard Alexander, SOAS University of London

Isabel Toledo Guzmán, Secretaría de Educación Pública SEP

 

*Institutional affiliations listed for identification purposes only

November 10, 2020

Hon. Hillary Rodham Clinton, Former United States Secretary of State

Ambassador Melanne Verveer, Executive Director, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security

Ms. Agathe Christien, Hillary Rodham Clinton Research Fellow, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security

Dear Secretary Clinton, Ambassador Verveer, and Ms. Christien,

We are deeply disturbed to learn of your participation in a joint Georgetown event with the government of the United Arab Emirates.[i] The so-called "Advancing Women's Participation in Post-Conflict Reconstruction" event on November 11, 2020, risks creating a propaganda platform for the UAE government that it can use to hide its repression, war crimes, and violations of women's rights. It also tarnishes your own reputation and credibility by associating with a government intent on buying a better image for itself through lucrative funding of American institutions.

We urge you to withdraw from this event immediately and end your association with the government of the UAE until the UAE ends its terrible record of human rights violations and violations of international law. We also urge you to disclose all financial contributions that the Clinton Foundation, Georgetown University, or other entities with which you are affiliated may have received from the UAE, and to consider returning immediately any such contributions or donations.

It is astonishing that the government of the United Arab Emirates would be allowed to host such an event and to pretend to be an advocate for women's rights or gender equality, given the UAE's role in creating so much misery for women, girls, and civilian populations in multiple societies across the Middle East and North Africa. Together with Saudi Arabia, UAE wars and interventions have created vast amounts of suffering and death in Yemen, Libya, and the broader region. The UAE's brutal record has only intensified under de-facto ruler Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the Crown Prince of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi. The UAE's domestic record of abuse and repression of women and girls has furthered their marginalization, exploitation, and subjugation in the country.

As an absolute monarchy without any form of meaningful democratic representation, the United Arab Emirates has a long record of human rights violations, international humanitarian law violations, and interventions to squash regional democracy-building efforts:

  • Violating Women's Rights
  • Wide Scale Abuse of Migrant Domestic Workers
  • Broad Domestic Repression
  • Driving Vast Suffering for Women and Civilian Populations in Yemen
  • Unlawful Transfer of Arms to Libya
  • Supporting Terrorist Networks
  • Exporting Dictatorship

 

Violating Women's Rights:

The UAE violates women's rights through discriminatory laws and repression, including its male guardianship policies, which require adult women to obtain the permission of their male guardian before they are allowed to marry.[ii]

UAE officials, including the Ruler of Dubai and Prime Minister of the UAE, Mohamed bin Rashid al Maktoum, have been personally implicated in the kidnapping, imprisonment, assault, and even torture of women, including women attempting to flee the country, with absolute impunity.[iii] [iv] Not only does the government systemically abuse women in the country, it protects those who violate the UAE's own laws from any form of prosecution or accountability. The Ruler of Dubai continues to unlawfully detain two of his adult daughters, Sheikha Latifa and Sheikha Shamsa, following their abduction by UAE security forces from India in 2018 and the United Kingdom in 2010, respectively. They reportedly remain captive in the Ruler's private residence.[v] The Ruler's wife, Princess Haya, was forced to flee the country after facing a "utterly terrifying" campaign of intimidation and harassment by the ruler.

The UAE continues to implement a legal system that discriminates harshly against women in divorce, child custody and inheritance. The legal system in place leaves women trapped in abusive marriages and facing the loss of all economic support and custody of their children if they seek to divorce their spouses. Women are entitled to a fraction of the inheritance their brothers receive.[vi] Women in the UAE are still treated as subordinate to men under the law. In 2019, the authorities amended  the law to remove the requirement that women should obey their husbands and in 2020 introduced other minor amendments on obligations to appear more gender neutral. However, such changes merely remove discrimination in law but essentially still allow for judges to discriminate against women in practice. Marital rape is not a crime in the UAE.[vii]

The rulers of the UAE have wrongfully detained, tortured, and allowed women to die in their prisons. Loujain al-Hathloul is a prominent Saudi women's rights defender who was subjected to cyberattacks by the UAE authorities, who hacked into her email before arresting and forcibly transferring her to Saudi Arabia in 2018. She has been brutally tortured and remains in prison today in Saudi Arabia in reprisal for her activism.[viii] [ix] [x] In 2019, Alia Abdulnoor died in a prison in the UAE, just two months after the UN had specifically called for her release.[xi] Another detainee mentioned in UN communications, Maryam AlBalushi, had leaked accounts of torture in prison and reported being held in solitary confinment on charges of "damaging the UAE's reputation." AlBalushi reportedly attempted suicide in March of 2020.[xii]

Wide Scale Abuse of Migrant Domestic Workers:

The UAE has failed to offer meaningful protection for millions of women who work as domestic workers in the country, and who have experienced widely documented abuse, exploitation, and non-payment of wages in a system that can amount to forced labor.[xiii]

In the UAE, foreign employees remained tied to their employers as their sponsors in the country.[xiv] Foreign residents require the permission of their sponsors to change jobs or leave their employer, and keep their status in the country legal. The wages for household workers in the UAE are extremely low relative to the cost of living. As a result, migrant workers often suffer from inadequate standards of living. Migrant workers are routinely overworked, refused days off, forbidden from exiting the household, routinely refused or delayed payments, and often abused.[xv]  Migrant domestic workers are often women and face significant risk of sexual violence.[xvi]

Broad Domestic Repression:

The UAE monarchy has jailed or imprisoned dozens of prisoners of conscience, people who have engaged in the peaceful and nonviolent expression of their views. Imprisoned voices of reform include human rights activist Ahmed Mansoor, academic Nasser bin Ghaith, and human rights lawyer Mohammed al-Roken.[xvii]

Despite vague assurances in the UAE Constitution, citizens have no enforceable civil and political rights. Significant human rights issues, as documented by the US State Department 2019 Country Report on Human Rights Practices, included: "allegations of torture in detention; arbitrary arrest and detention, including incommunicado detention, by government agents; political prisoners; government interference with privacy rights; undue restrictions on free expression and the press, including criminalization of libel, censorship, and internet site blocking; substantial interference with the rights of peaceful assembly and freedom of association; the inability of citizens to choose their government in free and fair elections; and criminalization of same sex sexual activity."[xviii]

Driving Vast Suffering for Women and Civilian Populations in Yemen: 

In Yemen, the UAE has killed thousands of civilians and helped decimate the impoverished country's healthcare system as part of a military coalition led by Saudi Arabia and armed by the U.S. The UAE has helped drive millions to the brink of starvation under an unlawful siege of Yemen's land, air and water borders, and facilitated the spread of the Coronavirus pandemic, with particularly harsh effects on women and girls. The UAE has also operated secret detention centers in Yemen where rape, sexual assualt, torture, and other abuse of detainees, including of women, has been extensively documented. Prior to the Coronavirus pandemic, reports already indicated that 85,000 children had died of starvation, and two million children under five and 1.1 million pregnant women and new mothers are now acutely malnourished.[xix] [xx]

Unlawful Transfer of Arms to Libya: 

The UAE continues to violate the UN Security Council Resolution 1970 arms embargo on Libya by the ongoing provision of military assistance to armed groups in Libya, in its support of  warlord Khalifa Haftar in his violent campaign against the Libyan Government of National Accord. The UN Panel of Experts monitoring the sanctions regime condemned the UAE's unlawful provision of arms in Libya just two months ago.[xxi] The UAE has itself carried out aerial attacks on civilians in Libya, including a drone attack on a factory that killed 8 civilians and a military academy that killed 26 cadets.[xxii] [xxiii]

Since last April alone, the UAE conducted more than 850 indiscriminate drone and jet strikes on Haftar's behalf, striking homes and civilian institutions. This year, the UAE sent over 100 airlifters suspected of carrying weaponry to Haftar's forces.[xxiv] The UAE sent U.S. planes to Libya's civil war, and although the UAE denied having done so, satellite images confirmed the planes' shipment.[xxv] With UAE support, Haftar launched attacks and indiscriminately bombed civilians, including strikes on or near heath care facilities.[xxvi]

 

Supporting Terrorist Networks:

The UAE and Saudi Arabia have supported Al Qaeda-affiliated individuals, networks, and militias in Yemen, including by reportedly providing them with arms, military assistance, and funding. The UAE has permitted weapons purchased from the U.S. to be given to, sold to, or captured by local militias, as well as extremist groups such as Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.[xxvii] The UAE and Saudi Arabia have also paid, protected, and even recruited Al Qaeda fighters in Yemen.[xxviii]

Exporting Dictatorship:

Together with its Saudi ally, the UAE intervenes across the Middle East and North Africa to stop democracy and promote dictatorship, including in Bahrain, Egypt, Sudan, and Libya. In Bahrain, UAE and Saudi forces worked with Manama to crush the country's 2011 pro-democracy movement. Following the democracy protests that began on February 14th, 2011, Saudi and UAE military forces led Gulf Cooperation Council troops (GCC) to march into Bahrain, attack peaceful protesters, and help crush the democracy movement.[xxix] In Sudan, the UAE and Saudi Arabia attempted to undermine the nation's pro-democracy movement by supporting the "transitional military council" that sought to maintain military rule after the country's dictator Omar al-Bashir was driven from power.[xxx] And in Egypt, both the UAE and Saudi Arabia have repeatedly backed Egyptian dictator Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The UAE supported the military coup in Egypt in 2013 with $3 billion in aid, and continues to provide financial assistance to the Egyptian government.[xxxi]

Conclusion:

Together with its Saudi ally, the UAE monarchy is responsible for gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law across the Middle East and North Africa. Against this backdrop, it is astonishing that you would consider the UAE government to be a suitable partner for an event on women and post-conflict reconstruction. We urge you to cancel this event, end your partnership with the UAE government, and reveal and return all funding from this brutal monarchy.

Sincerely,

  • Action Corps
  • Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain
  • American Family Voices
  • CODEPINK
  • Demand Progress Education Fund
  • Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN)
  • European Center for Democracy and Human Rights
  • Freedom Forward
  • Just Foreign Policy
  • Libyan American Alliance
  • MENA Rights Group
  • RootsAction.org
  • Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation
  • World BEYOND War
***
[i] "Advancing Women's Participation in Post-Conflict Reconstruction," Georgetown Institute For Women, Peace and Security, November 11, 2020. 
[ii] "Time to Take Action for Women in the United Arab Emirates," Human Rights Watch, Rothna Begum, March 8, 2015.
[iii] "Dubai ruler abducted daughters and threatened ex-wife, UK court finds," CNN, March 6, 2020.
[iv] "Approved Judgment," High Court of Justice Family Division, Royal Court of Justice, U.K, January 27, 2020.
[v] "A Princess Vanishes. A Video Offers Alarming Clues." New York Times, Vivian Yee, February 10, 2019.
[vi] "An Emirati Woman's Ordeal to Seek Protection from Abuse," Human Rights Watch, Hiba Zayadin, February 14, 2019; and "Women's Rights in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)," FIDH: International Federation for Human Rights, January 2010.
[vii] "Police officer who raped woman claims she was his wife and wins appeal," The National, May 10, 2018.
[viii] "NGOs express concern over the candidacy of UAE's Ahmed Nasser Al Raisi to the Presidency of INTERPOL," MENA Right Group, October 28, 2020.
[ix] "Loujain's Arrest," LoujainAl Hathloul website.
[x] "White House veterans helped Gulf monarchy build secret surveillance unit," Reuter, Joel Schectman and Christopher Bing, December 10, 2019.
[xi] "Woman with cancer dies in UAE jail after rights groups, U.N. call for release," Reuters, May 5, 2019.
[xii] "UAE: Woman Prisoner Reportedly Attempts Suicide," Human Rights Watch, March 13, 2020.
[xiii] "Tanzania: Migrant Domestic Workers in Oman, UAE Abused," Human Rights Watch, November 14, 2017; and "'I Already Bought You': Abuse and Exploitation of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in the United Arab Emirates," Human Rights Watch, October 22, 2014,
[xiv] "United Arab Emirates 2019," Amnesty International.
[xv] "United Arab Emirates, Events of 2019," Human Rights Watch.
[xvi] "UAE Migrant and Domestic Workers Abuse," Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain, May 31, 2019.
[xvii] "United Arab Emirates 2019," Amnesty International.
[xviii] "UAE's Human Rights Record," Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN).
[xix] Disappearances and torture in southern Yemen detention facilities must be investigated as war crimes, Amnesty International, July 12, 2018.
[xx] "4 ways the war in Yemen has impacted women and girls," International Rescue Committee, March 25, 2019, last updated December 20, 2019.
[xxi] "Experts: Libya rivals UAE, Russia, Turkey violate UN embargo," AP, Edith M. Lederer, September 8, 2020.
[xxii]. "UAE implicated in lethal drone strike in Libya," BBC, August 28, 2020.
[xxiii] "UAE drone strike on factory near Tripoli killed 8 civilians: HRW," Al Jazeera, April 29, 2020.
[xxiv] "Russia Isn't the Only One Getting Its Hands Dirty in Libya," Foreign Policy, April 21, 2020.
[xxv] "U.S.-Made Airplanes Deployed in Libya's Civil War, in Defiance of U.N.," Time, May 9, 2017.
[xxvi] "Despite Covid-19, Libya War Rages, with Civilians at Risk," Human Rights Watch, June 7, 2020.
[xxvii] "Sold to an ally, lost to an enemy," CNN, Nima Elbagir, Salma Abdelaziz, Mohamed Abo El Gheit and Laura Smith-Spark.
[xxviii] "AP Investigation: US allies, al-Qaida battle rebels in Yemen," AP, Maggie Michael, Trish Wilson, and Lee Keath, August 6, 2018.
[xxix] "Three Years after the Invasion, Saudi Forces Must Leave Bahrain," Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain, March 14, 2014.
[xxx] "Saudi Arabia, UAE to send $3 billion in aid to Sudan," Reuters, April 21, 2019.
[xxxi] "UAE's Human Rights Record," Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN).

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