Ahmad Algohbary is a freelance Yemeni journalist who has reported on the Yemen war for international media since war broke out in 2015. His work has appeared in The Guardian and Al Jazeera English, among other outlets. As Co-Director of Photography, Aloghbary filmed the 2018 documentary “Yemen Skies of Terror,” which was nominated for Emmy and Sheffield Awards, and won an online journalism award. Algohbary has also launched a public funding campaign via his Twitter account to provide support for child victims of the war. He tweets at @AhmadAlgohbary.
On Aug. 28, Israeli warplanes struck the heart of Yemen's capital, Sana'a, killing Houthi Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahwi and several senior ministers of the Houthi Movement's (Ansar Allah) unrecognized government. It was the first time Israel directly assassinated political leaders in Yemen, marking a sharp escalation from previous strikes on ports, airport and energy facilities.
Among those killed were al-Rahwi, a veteran of the General People's Congress—the political party of former dictator Ali Abdullah Saleh, who the Houthis deposed in 2012—from Abyan; Jamal Amer, a journalist; Hashem Sharaf al-Din, a media figure; Ali Seif Mohammed, a physics professor; and Ahmad Abdullah Ali, a senior judge. Their inclusion in the Houthi cabinet had reflected the group's efforts to broaden governance beyond its ideological base. Their deaths signaled Israel's intent to dismantle not just the Houthis' military machine but also their fragile governing apparatus.
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz described the strike as a "crushing blow" to the Houthis' leadership. Within hours, thousands of Yemenis filled the streets of Sana'a for mass funerals, vowing revenge. Then, on Sep. 7, the Houthis launched a long-range drone, penetrating Israeli air defenses and striking Ramon Airport near southern Israel's Eilat, injuring two and briefly halting flights. Military spokesman Yahya Saree claimed responsibility for the group, declaring Israel's airports "no longer safe."
The strike was the Houthis' most significant attack on Israel to date, underscoring both their technological reach and the widening regional battlefield. While the group's earlier operations relied heavily on drones and conventional ballistic missiles, recent attacks have included more lethal weaponry. On Aug. 22 and again on Sep. 3, the Houthis launched missiles armed with cluster warheads—widely considered illegal under international law—scattering smaller sub-munitions that indiscriminately threaten civilians.
According to Israeli military figures, the Houthis have fired at least 80 ballistic missiles and 31 drones since March 18—a sharp escalation. While Israel has intercepted most of the attacks, others have landed with deadly effect. In July 2024, a drone strike in Tel Aviv killed one man, demonstrating the risks Israel continues to face despite its advanced systems.
The strike was the Houthis' most significant attack on Israel to date, underscoring both their technological reach and the widening regional battlefield.
- Ahmad Algohbary
In an interview with Democracy in Exile, Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a senior member of the Houthis' political bureau, dismissed Israel's strike as a sign of weakness. "Israel's targeting of civilian leaders in Yemen is proof of its military failure and evidence of its criminal inclinations," he said.
Al-Bukhaiti argued that the assassinations crossed "all red lines," warning that "Netanyahu is raising the cost his people will soon have to pay for these crimes against the peoples of the region." He insisted the group would escalate further: "Our recent attacks deep inside the enemy's territory prove our ability to breach their defenses. Israel will not be safe unless it ends the genocide in Gaza and lifts the siege on its people."
Despite the loss of nine ministers, Al-Bukhaiti insisted the strike would not weaken Houthi governance: "This has only increased our determination to continue the battle until it's just goals are achieved.
"The impact on the government is limited and temporary because we are prepared and work institutionally," he claimed.
He also accused Israel and the United States of exploiting the United Nations to weaken the Houthis. "Working for the United Nations does not grant an employee immunity if they are involved in espionage," he said. "The U.N. must condemn the U.S. and Israel for deliberately recruiting U.N. employees for spying activities, because this damages the organization's reputation and strips its staff of neutrality."
Looking ahead, he warned that Israel should expect more: "We know the enemy's criminal nature. But this will not deter us, whatever sacrifices are required."
While the Houthis speak the language of resistance, Yemenis in Sana'a express mixed and sometimes contradictory views. Lutf Alsanani, a civil activist, said the strike revealed Israel's disregard for international norms: "Everyone knows Israel does not respect the ethics of war. It kills civilians, children and the elderly without shame, and then boasts about it. Gaza is proof."
"The assassination of our ministers will only temporarily affect the government," he continued. "In the long run, it will increase determination."
By killing civilian leaders like al-Rahwi, Israel may have decapitated a symbolic government, but it has not touched the Houthis' hardened military infrastructure.
- Ahmad Algohbary
Mohammed al-Maghribi, a government employee, viewed the attack as inevitable given the Houthis' confrontation with Israel. "Israel is targeting the government because Ansar Allah has hurt them with missiles and drones. Yes, it changes the rules of engagement, but the effect is limited."
"New ministers will be appointed," he said. "Morale is very high, and this will only fuel the fight."
However, not all were supportive. S.B., a businessman in Sana'a who asked to remain anonymous, worried that Israel's strategy would expose Houthi weaknesses. "This is a dangerous transformation in the conflict. The Houthis claim they know everything with their intelligence, but Israel embarrassed them. It will affect them internally."
"They escalate every day, but not at the scale Israel does," they argued. "For ordinary Yemenis, nothing changes—those killed will be replaced, while we continue to suffer."
Assassinating cabinet ministers will not weaken the Houthis' military capabilities. Israel has long struggled with intelligence on the group's real centers of power: the commanders overseeing drone and missile production, and those directing battlefield operations. Instead, Israel has hit softer targets—airports, seaports, fuel depots and power stations—causing humanitarian devastation without crippling the Houthis' fighting core.
When Israel struck Sana'a's airport and destroyed Yemenia aircraft, ordinary Yemenis were left with no choice but to undertake grueling overland journeys to the south to travel abroad. For patients and those in medical emergencies, these journeys are especially punishing, turning daily hardship into life-threatening ordeals. By killing civilian leaders like al-Rahwi, Israel may have decapitated a symbolic government, but it has not touched the Houthis' hardened military infrastructure.
The assassinations highlight the Houthis' role in Iran's so-called "Axis of Resistance," an alliance of armed groups confronting Israel and the United States. For Tehran, the Houthis provide leverage over Red Sea shipping lanes and a rare Arab force willing to strike Israel directly.
But the costs of this confrontation are borne most heavily by ordinary Yemenis. On July 7, Israeli airstrikes targeted the ports of Hodeidah, Ras Isa and Salif, Yemen's most vital lifelines for food and humanitarian aid. The attack occurred amid U.N. warnings that over 17 million Yemenis are going hungry, including over one million children under the age of five suffering from life-threatening acute malnutrition. Nearly 18 million Yemenis could become food-insecure by late-September, with 1.2 million children at risk of permanent physical and cognitive damage.
The United Nations described the situation as the worst since before the 2022 truce, with plummeting humanitarian funding degrading the situation: By May 2025, only 9% of its $2.5 billion appeal for Yemen was met. The destruction of Hodeidah port—where 70% of Yemen's imports and 80% of humanitarian aid typically pass—threatens to accelerate this spiral, placing millions at greater risk.
For many abroad, the Houthis' defiance has elevated their status as champions of the Palestinian cause, praised on Arab streets and in Western solidarity circles. But inside Yemen, the picture is starkly different: a nation where war is fought in the name of "resistance," not in the name of every Yemeni, while civilians alone bear the cost.
From a military perspective, Israel's strategy appears far less decisive than its rhetoric suggests. The assassinated ministers belonged to the Houthis' unrecognized civilian government—not to the movement's hardened military core. Since the group began striking Israel in October 2023, Israeli intelligence has failed to locate or eliminate the group's senior battlefield commanders, missile engineers or drone operators—the figures who design and launch the attacks that threaten Tel Aviv and Haifa.
By targeting political appointees and civilian infrastructure, Israel has inflicted symbolic blows but not strategic ones, largely harming Yemeni civilians through collective punishment that worsens humanitarian metrics. Militarily, the Houthis' capacity remains intact, their arsenal still active and their war-making ability undiminished
