Jamal al Tahat is a Senior Advisor at DAWN and a longtime advocate for democratization in Jordan. Al Tahat worked as an instructor, researcher, and managing editor of the strategic journal (Istrategia Al-Ordun) at the Center for Strategic Studies at the Jordanian National Defense College.
"Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me," as the old saying goes. But when "The Most American King" deceives his people for a quarter of a century, shame falls not only on him, but on the American administrations, lawmakers and so-called Arabists who have continued to enable him. Jordanians, meanwhile, are left with no real alternative but to seek a new path toward the future.
In his thought-provoking book, "The Most American King: Abdullah of Jordan," Aaron Magid constructs a narrative—rooted in academic and media frameworks—that echoes Gabriel García Márquez's "Chronicle of a Death Foretold." However, Magid's work goes beyond recounting a tragic tale or stirring up guilt over the past. Rather, it serves as a wake-up call to confront and halt an ongoing crime, masked under layers of vile deception.
Treading a thin line, Magid sets a clever trap to hook the reader. The first four chapters give the hasty impression that he is promoting Abdullah. At this point in the reading, I was reminded of two portraits. One is a fictional tale about a one-eyed, limping king who demanded a realistic yet flattering portrait. The artist portrays an archer kneeling on his bent leg, aiming with one eye closed while directing his bow at anyone who dares observe the portrait.
The second image depicts King Abdullah holding a hunting rifle, aimed directly at the viewer. This portrait was widely circulated in Jordan, especially on the rear windows of loyalist vehicles. It became particularly common during the early years of his reign, until public criticism began to emerge.
Thus, Magid's book portrays the "Most American King" as a new model of the contemporary mandate-like "High Commissioner," where a leader governs with the backing of Western powers at the expense of the citizens' best interests.
- Jamal al Tahat
At the time, one writer notably warned that the image gave the impression that the king was pointing a gun at fellow drivers, riders and pedestrians, conveying an offensive and threatening message. The warning was prescient, as Abdullah felt insecure in his first year in power, promoting imagery that projected strength and intimidation—a notable dynamic observed through Magid's book.
As the years went on, the king recognized the political utility of mixing the images of reform and benevolence as deceptive tools to mask the reality of a corrupt kleptocrat. Magid exposes this dynamic, highlighting the gap between the king's promises of political and economic reforms and his actions in the opposite direction. In doing so, Magid reveals the King's underlying disdain for the Jordanians without explicitly stating the obvious, providing proof that the "Most American King" rules through his reliance on American support—not Jordanian consent.
Since biography is never truly neutral, Magid utilizes a multi-track analysis that explores how the king, in his own words, sought to shape his image and the consequences of that performance. He observes both Western reactions and the subsequent Jordanian response to Abdullah's ruling style. Magid argues that there is something deeper worth examining, writing, "Although Abdullah was applauded abroad, his actions were critiqued at home." This stark contrast becomes the central theme of the book.
Magid reveals that most Jordanians—judging by their participation in elections—have largely broken free from Abdullah's deceptive spell. In contrast, he highlights how many Western sources, including American and European officials, remain captivated by the illusion. For instance, former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton dismissed the former General Intelligence Directorate (GID) head's admission that the Jordanian elections were rigged, instead describing them in her memoir as "credible." In this regard, Magid concludes that "Abdullah has attempted to preserve his legacy not only through Crown Prince Hussein's rising leadership but also through the accolades the king has won overseas."
The cover of "The Most American King, Abdullah of Jordan" written by Aaron Magid.
Source: DAWN
Magid's book also reminds us that Jordan may face bleak prospects as a result, utilizing a triangular framework to argue that gradual, peaceful reform is increasingly unlikely. The first side of this triangle is King Abdullah's persistent anti-democratization policies and his failure to deliver tangible economic success, despite infamous 1999 claims that his biggest problem was "getting food on the table," according to Magid. Of course, Abdullah failed to clarify who exactly benefits from the meal, let alone receives it. In this context, it is notable that this failure has coincided with the decline of key public sectors such as education and healthcare.
The second side of the triangle is the West's indifference to democratic reform and good governance in Jordan. Magid cites Western sources, noting that "Washington had no specific policy proposal for Jordan regarding reform," and that Europe was "not pushing…not prescriptive…not making conditions." Indeed, this is a long-running trend of Western policy in Amman.
The triangle's third side constitutes Jordan's weakened internal socio-political forces, which have thus far failed to generate substantial momentum for meaningful democratic reform. The country's persistent and fractious politics best illustrate this dynamic, alongside the king's hardening rejection of any reform. Abdullah has disguised empty promises while continuously hammering reformist political groups through repressive laws like the Cyber Crime Law and by stifling civic institutions, including dismantling the Teachers' Syndicate.
Magid also explains that Abdullah, as his ancestors, uses the Palestinian issue as a tool to enhance his power: "Abdullah also [as his father] constantly raising the plight of Palestinians can be a useful point of distraction both for Jordan's own population and the international community." Internally, he plays on the East Jordanian–Palestinian split to weaken the internal socio-political dynamic. Globally, he speaks to Western powers about the Palestinian issue to market himself as a peace champion—or as the only viable Jordanian leader who supports peace—to divert international priorities away from democratic reform and good governance in Jordan.
As Magid notes, Abdullah maintains his ancestors' tactic of leveraging the Palestinian conflict to distract from domestic issues, monopolize its management and portray himself as indispensable to external supporters by elevating anti-peace voices. As such, the king has consistently precluded any steps to rehabilitate the Muslim Brotherhood, transforming its ideological charge into a mere socio-political and culturally conservative identity.
Thus, Magid's book portrays the "Most American King" as a new model of the contemporary mandate-like "High Commissioner," where a leader governs with the backing of Western powers at the expense of the citizens' best interests. The stark discrepancy between Abdullah's words and actions, as documented in the book, reminds us of the gap between mandate declaration and practice. It reveals a powerful but subtle form of mandate-like power that ensures the king's continued rule. This emerging pattern in global power dynamics warrants serious attention, especially for those committed to democratic reform in the world's less fortunate regions.
The widening gap between this ruling style and Jordan's socio-political realities has influenced Magid's prediction for the future. In his last few lines, he predicts that even a king privileged with global support cannot deceive all people forever. Such a conclusion reflects a stark reality for Jordan: "It is unlikely that Hussein [the current Crown Prince] will enjoy universal love from Jordanians."
That spells trouble for a future that even Abdullah's over-reliance on the West may be unsalvageable.
