Dr. Dan Steinbock, an expert on the multipolar world, is the founder of Difference Group and has served at the India, China and America Institute (U.S.), the Shanghai Institute for International Studies (China), and the EU Center (Singapore). For more, see https://www.differencegroup.net/. For the books and related commentaries, see https://www.differencegroup.net/new-books.
The latest in Democracy in Exile's book series includes excerpts from Dr Steinbock's The Obliteration Doctrine (Sept. 2025) and The Fall of Israel (Oct. 2024), by the Clarity Press.
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In the aftermath of the Gaza genocide, the term "obliteration" is very much in the air—for all the wrong reasons. Asked by CNN in early October about what would happen if Hamas refused to relinquish power, President Trump responded by text, "Complete obliteration!"
In "The Obliteration Doctrine," however, I use the term in a specific way to define the lethal mix of scorched earth policy, collective punishment and civilian victimization, coupled with massive indiscriminate bombardment and systematic use of artificial intelligence (AI). As Professor William Schabas, a leading scholar of genocide, notes, "the Obliteration Doctrine" understood in this way, "adds a new term to the lexicon on genocide, notably in the application of international law and its judicial mechanisms."
The term is vital because it connects the dots between military strategies, aerial bombardment, lethal deployment of artificial intelligence (AI) and international law, particularly the Geneva Conventions and the Genocide Convention.
The Origins
In the long view, the doctrine and practice of obliteration have precursors that were known already in antiquity, including scorched-earth policies, collective punishment and civilian victimization. These historical precedents were re-deployed during the decolonization and independence struggles of the Global South. During the Cold War, they served the former colonial powers' maintenance of economic, political and military advantages, particularly through emergency dictates that instigated insurgencies, which were then repressed under counterinsurgency operations.
In the long view, the doctrine and practice of obliteration have precursors that were known already in antiquity, including scorched-earth policies, collective punishment and civilian victimization.
- Dan Steinbock
In this historical view, the "scorched-earth policy" is a longstanding military strategy of destroying everything that allows an enemy military force to fight a war, including critical infrastructure, military and state institutions, buildings, crops, livestock, security and other essential resources. Modern historical examples feature the American Civil War and American Indian Wars, alongside Nazi Germany's war against the Soviet Union. But the Obliteration Doctrine goes further insofar as it aims at either devastating the entire infrastructure of the target population or destroys it to achieve "voluntary" mass displacement, dispossession and, ultimately, extermination.
Nonetheless, the deployment of scorched-earth policy against non-combatants is banned under the 1977 Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949.
Another historical component of the Obliteration Doctrine is "collective punishment," typically imposed on a group or entire community of people for acts allegedly committed by one or more of its members. Since collective punishment targets individuals who are not responsible for the perpetrated acts, it undermines modern legal systems, which restrict criminal liability to individuals. Yet, it has been widely deployed through history, from late medieval Florence to American Civil War, the Nazi occupation of Poland and Yugoslavia and postwar anti-colonial liberation struggles.
Like scorched-earth policy, collective punishment is prohibited in both international and non-international armed conflicts.
The third historical element of the Obliteration Doctrine is "civilian victimization," or the purposeful use of violence against noncombatants in a conflict. This kind of victimization can feature both lethal—including killings—and non-lethal forms of violence, such as forced expulsion, torture and rape. In civilian victimization, violence is often deployed to foster civilian cooperation and isolate the military adversary by removing civilians from an area, as applied in the U.S. Strategic Hamlet program during the Vietnam War. In the Cold War, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union provided military and financial backing to governments and groups engaging in irregular civil wars that often involved the deployment of violence to control civilians and territory. More recently, the involvement of major actors has been less direct but remains substantial.
Like scorched-earth policy and collective punishment, civilian victimization is prohibited by the Geneva Conventions.
In its contemporary form, the Obliteration Doctrine accounts for the decimation of urban infrastructure and the genocidal atrocities in the Gaza Strip between 2023-25. It was first tested in 2006 in Dahiya, a Shia Muslim enclave in Beirut. Gadi Eisenkot, the former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff and its architect, pledged it would be used "in the next war." Over the next 17 years, the international community did nothing to preempt the deployment of the doctrine. The result has been genocide.
The Historical Scale
Since the postwar era, these old forms of obliteration have been coupled with largely indiscriminate area bombardment. In Gaza, it set a historical precedent.
In principle, aerial warfare should comply with the laws of war, which regulate the conditions for initiating war (jus ad bellum) and the conduct of hostilities (jus in bello). In particular, aerial operations should comply with the principles of humanitarian law: that is, of military necessity, objective—also known as suitability—and proportionality.
Among other factors, compliance is critical to protecting victims of conflict and refraining from attacks on protected persons, such as medical personnel. In practice, these laws were often violated during World War II when bombs were dropped over broad target areas. In "carpet bombing," a large area bombardment proceeded to damage every part of the selected zone.
The first aerial carpet bombing was the bombardment of Barcelona in March 1938, which killed 1,300 and wounded 2,000. It was preceded by the bombing of Guernica by the same belligerents in April 1937.

If carpet bombing refers to the indiscriminate bombing of an area, "terror bombing" describes intensified bombing aiming to devastate a city or a large part of it. Based on Article 51 of Protocol I of the Geneva Conventions, carpet bombing has been considered a war crime since 1977, conveniently after the Vietnam War.

Taking place in mid-February 1945, the Dresden bombing was carried out by British and American forces, who dropped up to 3,900 tons of high-explosive bombs and incendiary devices, resulting in a firestorm and about 25,000 killed. In Hamburg, the Allied bombing between 1939-45 caused 9,000 tons of bombs to be dropped and killed an estimated 37,000 people. In London, the German bombing campaign known as "the Blitz" endured from September 1940 to May 1941. More than 30,000 tons of bombs were dropped, and some 43,000 people lost their lives.
By late April 2024, Israel dropped over 70,000 tons of bombs over Gaza, surpassing the World War II bombing of Dresden, Hamburg and London combined.
![Gaza's Devastation After 6 months of Bombing = Hamburg + London + Dresden [Top left] Bombing of Hamburg, 1943 (Dowd J., Royal Air Force official photographer). [Top right] German bombing of London, 1940–41 (National Archives). [Left] Dresden after U.K./U.S. bombing, Feb. 13–15, 1945 (Bundesarchiv). [Right] Damage following an Israeli airstrike on the Rimal area in Gaza City on Oct. 9, 2023. Source: Wikimedia](https://dawnmena.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/FIG-Gazas-Devastation-After-6-months-of-Bombing.jpg)
The bombing of Gaza has been historical in terms of the scale of bombs and the number of people killed, injured and maimed. According to local authorities, almost 90% of Gaza has been destroyed by more than 200,000 tons of explosives dropped on the Gaza Strip. Most estimates put the figure between 150,000 and 200,000 tons, equivalent to 10-13 atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima.
Since the postwar era, these old forms of obliteration have been coupled with largely indiscriminate area bombardment. In Gaza, it set a historical precedent.
- Dan Steinbock
By most accounts, more than two-thirds of people killed in Gaza are women, children and the elderly. The military campaign appears to have been deliberately targeted with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, the Palestinian people as a national, ethnical and religious group.
Since Oct. 7, 2023, the U.S. has spent at least $22.76 billion on military aid to Israel and related U.S. operations in the region. If Israel pulled the trigger, the U.S. supplied and financed the weapons. The scale of destruction in Gaza became viable only with the continuous flow of U.S. weapons and funding.
There is one critical caveat, however. Since 1945, such campaigns have targeted primarily the states and people in the Global South rather than those in the West. Hence, the tacit "supremacy doctrines"—that is, belief systems that a certain group of people are superior to and should have supreme authority over another group or others—against the "human animals."
From AI to "Algocide"
There is one more ingredient to the contemporary Obliteration Doctrine: Israel's mass assassination factories deploying artificial intelligence for maximum devastation. One of these programs, "Lavender," was particularly deployed in the early days of the Gaza War, when it excelled in abject destruction. Marking all suspected military operatives of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, even the low-ranking ones, it targeted them, their homes and all proximate civilians—women and children alike.
In the past, such targeting was subject to protocol constraints to minimize collateral damage. After Oct. 7, the Israeli military gave officers sweeping approval to embrace the Lavender kill lists, knowing that the system made "errors" in about 10% of cases and occasionally targeted individuals who had no connection to militants. As the attacks usually took place at night when families were present, civilian collateral damage was maximized. For every Hamas operative marked by Lavender, it was permissible to kill up to 15-20 civilians. Backed with AI, the military purposely used "dumb bombs" to hit these homes.
A simple definition of an algorithm is that it is a finite set of instructions carried out in a specific order to perform a particular task. In turn, genocide is a combination of the Greek term for "genos" (people) and the Latin suffix -caedo (act of killing), establishing "genocide." By the same token, "algocide" can be defined as a deliberate effort to use the algorithms of artificial intelligence in genocidal atrocities.
Hence, the need for dehumanization and demonization, as the fight of "human animals" is framed as a moral necessity. If the idea of collective punishment applies, it is not just militarily expedient to use AI to exterminate people; it is a moral responsibility. A soldier does good by eliminating evil. That's how they can serve the most moral army in the world.
Mass extinction is perversely legitimized as an ethical duty.










